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TIME: Almanac 1993
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TIME Almanac 1993.iso
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1992-08-28
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HISTORY, Page 64If Kennedy Had Lived
By WALTER ISAACSON
"What if . . .?" For historians the question can be a
great parlor game, launching all-night arguments over what would
have happened if, say, Hitler had got the Bomb or Pickett had
not charged at Gettysburg. Nowadays one of the hottest
questions involves speculating about what John Kennedy would
have done in Vietnam had he not been killed in November 1963.
John M. Newman, a former U.S. Army major who teaches
history at the University of Maryland, has entered this fray
with a meticulously documented argument that Kennedy planned to
withdraw from Vietnam had he been re-elected in 1964. Earnest
yet overheated, grounded in footnotes yet prone to flights of
conspiratorial conjecture, JFK and Vietnam (Warner Books; 506
pages; $22.95) reads like a strange hybrid between a doctoral
dissertation and the rough draft of an Oliver Stone screenplay,
and with reason: it was, indeed, Newman's dissertation, and
Stone did use it as a basis for his movie JFK.
The U.S. military, Newman argues, provided overly
optimistic battlefield assessments after American advisers were
sent to Vietnam in the early 1960s. These were designed to
encourage Kennedy to continue America's commitment there. Newman
contends that Kennedy eventually became aware of this deception,
but he went along because it served his own secret purpose: to
withdraw some of the U.S. advisers under the guise that the war
was going so well that they were no longer necessary. The
"elaborate deception," Newman writes, "was originally designed
to forestall Kennedy from a precipitous withdrawal, but he was
now using it -- judo style -- to justify just that."
Newman shores up his thesis with citations from newly
declassified documents. He is particularly impressive in
detailing the evolution of a national security action memo --
NSAM 263 -- that Kennedy signed in October 1963, ordering the
withdrawal of 1,000 of the 16,000 or so American advisers in
Vietnam. Newman also documents the subtle changes in policy that
occurred after Kennedy was shot less than two months later. The
1,000-man withdrawal went ahead, but instead of full units
departing, it "was turned into a meaningless paper drill" by
counting individual soldiers who were due for rotation. In
addition, four days after taking office, Lyndon Johnson signed
a new memo -- NSAM 273 -- that Newman shows was subtly but
significantly different from the version Kennedy had been
contemplating: among other things, it allowed U.S. involvement
in covert actions against North Vietnam.
Newman's thesis would have been both powerful and
persuasive had he stuck to the facts he uncovered in the
documents. Instead he indulges in unnecessary speculation and
theorizing. Every instance in which Kennedy whispers to a dovish
Senator or makes a public remark about his desire to be
extricated from Vietnam is taken as evidence of his secret
intentions; the far more frequent examples of his invoking the
domino theory and denouncing the idea of withdrawal are
construed as public posturing, designed to deceive conservatives
in order to get re-elected. In fact, it would be more logical
to interpret Kennedy's contradictory pronouncements at their
two-face value: like most charming politicians, he tended to
tell people what they wanted to hear. Even he may not have known
what he really planned to do in Vietnam after the election.
In the end, a good historian must realize that the "What
if . . .?" game is indeed just that -- a game. Statesmen must
be judged by what they did, not by what they might have done.
By this measure, Kennedy comes out well in Newman's reckoning.
He was not deceived by the falsely optimistic reports on
Vietnam. Despite Pentagon pressure, he did not send in combat
troops. And one of his last acts was ordering the withdrawal of
a significant number of advisers. Newman has done a good job of
making this record clearer; he would have done even better had
he left it at that.